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THE  JOURNAL  OF 
ENGLISH  AND  GERMANIC 
PHILOLOGY 


EDITED  BA" 

GUSTAF  E,  IvARSTEN  and  JAMES  MORGAN  HART 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  CORNELL  UNIVERSITY 

WITH  THE  CO-OPERATION  OF 

GEORGE  T.  FLOM,  University  qf  Iowa 
PAUL  H.  GRUMMANN,  University  of  Nebraska 
OTTO  HELLER,  Washington  University 
GEORG  HOLZ,  University  of  Leipzig,  Germany 
CLARK  S.  NORTHUP,  Cornell  University 
HORATIO  k  WHITE,  Harvard  University 

Volume  VI,  No.  2 
January,  1907 


PUBLISHED  QUARTERLY  BY  THE  JOURNAL  PUBLISHING  COMPANY 

Urban  a,  III.,  U.S.A. 

Under  the  Auspices  of 

THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 


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EUROPEAN  AGENT 
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Entered  at  the  Urbana,  Ill.,  Postoffice  as  Second-class  mail  matter. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE. 


Lane  Cooper,  Some  Wordsworthian  Similes  .....  179 

Fr.  Klaeber,  Minor  Notes  on  the  Beowulf  . . 190 

- Cynewulf’s  Elene  1262  f.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .197 

- Phenix,  386  ..........  198 

Ernst  Voss,  Schnaplian  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .199 

H.  S.  V.  Jones,  The  Cleomades ,  the  Meliacin ,  and  the  Arabian  Tale  of 

the  “  Enchanted  Horse  ” . .  .  .221 

Edwin  W.  Fay,  Gothic  and  English  Etymologies  ....  244 

Hermann  Collitz,  Segimer  oder  Germanische  Namen  in  Keltischem 

Gewande  .  .  .  . . .  253 


REVIEWS. 

George  O.  Curme  :  Engelien-Jantzen,  Grammatikder  neuhochdeutschen 
Sprache  ;  Siitterlin  and  Waag,  Deutsche  Sprachlehre  fur  hohere 


Lehranstalten  ;  Nagl,  Deutsche  Sprachlehre  fur  Mittelschulen  .  307 

J.  M.  McBryde,  Jr.  :  Kinard,  English  Grammar  for  Beginners  .  .  313 

Clark  S.  Northup  :  Kluge,  Mittelenglisches  Lesebuch  .  .  .  315 
B.  S.  Monroe:  Emerson,  A  Middle  English  Reader  .  ..  .  .319 

CURRENT  LITERATURE. 

Georg  Edward  :  Neuere  Deutsche  Literatur  .  .  .  .  324 


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Copyright,  1906,  by  Gustaf  E.  Karsten. 


No.  2]  Jones y  The  CleomadSs,  the  Meliacin,  etc .  221 


THE  CL^OMADfiS,  THE  MfiLIACIN,  AND  THE 
ARABIAN  TALE  OF  THE  “  ENCHANTED 
HORSE.” 

IN  an  earlier  paper1  I  have  tried  to  show  that  Geoffrey 
Chaucer  knew  the  CUomad&s,  a  French  romance  of  the 
thirteenth  century  written  by  Adenet  le  Roi.  My  evidence  for 
this  position  was,  very  briefly  :  the  wide  popularity  of  the  French 
poem ;  certain  associations  of  Adenet  with  the  English  court ; 
and  the  similarity  in  general  and  in  many  details  between  the 
Old  French  romance  and  the  English  fragment.  In  order  that 
I  may  project  my  study  against  a  sufficient  background,  I  here 
present  an  account  of  the  prose  redactions  of  the  CUomades  and 
some  observations  of  my  own  and  of  others  about  the  relations 
between  this  romance  and  the  Meliacin  of  Girard  of  Amiens. 
My  discussion  will  show,  in  the  first  place,  that  we  have, 
including  the  Squire’s  Tale,  a  fairly  continuous  chain  of  versions 
and  editions  of  the  cheval  de  fust  story,  extending  from  the 
thirteenth  to  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  and,  in 
the  second  place,  that  we  must  probably  allow  for  one  or  more 
literary  forms  of  the  story  antedating  the  CleomadZs. 

I. 

I  will  begin  with  a  French  prose  redaction  without  date  but 
probably  published  about  1480  and  printed  at  Lyons.  It  bears 
the  title :  Oy  commence  le  livre  de  Clamades,  fils  du  roy 
d?  Espaignol  et  de  la  belle  Clarmonde ,  fille  du  roy  Carmant.  In 
Lyons,  again,  appeared  another  quarto,  dated  1488.  There 


1  Pubis,  of  M.  L.  A. ,  xin,  346  ff. 


222 


Jones , 


[Vol.  VI 


were  other  adaptations  published  in  Troyes  and  Paris,  the  exact 
number  of  which  I  have  been  unable  to  ascertain.  De  Tressan 
affirms  that  his  version  is  founded  upon  “Fancienne  edition 
Franyaise  .  .  .  .  du  commencement  du  seisi&ne  siecle  sans  date, 
imprim^e  en  caract£res  gothiques  et  fort  rare.”  With  the 
means  at  hand,  I  cannot  determine  de  Tressan’s  original, — 
perhaps  it  was  the  Lyons  edition  assigned  by  Paris  to  1480. 
Nor  is  it  clear  upon  what  was  founded  the  redaction  in  the 
Bibliotheque  Universelle  des  Romans,  February,  1785  ;  although 
there  are  several  points  of  likeness  between  this  and  the  version 
of  Mme.  L.  G.  D.  R.,  published  in  1733.  The  preface  to  the 
1785  version  tells  us  nothing  definite: — “Ce  roman,  dans 
Forigine,  passe  pour  6tre  espagnol ;  et  c’est  en  cette  quality  que 
Madame  L.  G.  D.  R.  le  publia  en  franyois  en  1733.  Mais  ce 
qufil  y  a  de  certain,  c’est  qu’il  n’a  point  le  gofit  du  terroir,  et 
qu’il  ne  prSsente  nulle  part  le  caractere  de  Fesprit  castillan.  II 
n’en  est  pas  moins  attrayant  par  Fimagination,  le  merveilleux, 
et  Finffiret  qui  y  regnent.  II  ne  lui  manquoit  que  d’etre  ecrit. 
On  sait  qu?un  Roman,  qui  n?a  que  ce  d6faut,  est  a  repaire. 
C’est  un  service  que  lui  rendit  un  Amateur  illustre,  M.  le 
Comte  de  Tressan,  en  1777  (ler  vol.  d’Avril).”  The  preface 
then  goes  on  to  say  that  another  man  of  letters  was  busy  at  the 
same  time  with  a  similar  task,  but  that  he  decided  not  to  publish 
his  redaction  after  de  Tressan’s  had  appeared.  Certain  persons, 
however,  having  read  his  manuscript  and  compared  it  with  de 
Tressan’ s  version,  discovered  that  the  two  rifacimenti  varied 
widely;  then  followed  the  edition  of  1785. 

The  only  Spanish  text  about  which  there  seems  to  be  any 
certainty  is  the  prose  version  of  the  early  years  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  which  bore  the  title :  Historia  del  Cavallero  Clamades 
y  de  la  linda  Claramonda.  Of  this  there  were  two  editions  : 
one  at  Bargos,  1521,  4°;  the  other,  in  the  Bibliotheque  royale , 
dated  1603,  and  bearing  the  inscription,  Alcala  de  Henarez , 
chez  Juan  Gracian.  We  seem  to  have  here  the  redaction  re¬ 
ferred  to  by  de  Tressan,  where  he  says  that  the  Cttomadhs  was 
translated  into  Spanish  prose.  De  Tressan  also  mentions  a 


No.  2] 


The  Cleomades,  the  Meliacin ,  etc . 


223 


modern  translation  of  the*  Spanish  text  in  which  the  facts  are 
altered.  This  is  the  stupid  redaction  of  Madame  Le  Gendre 
de  Richebourg,  1733,  to  which  the  form  in  the  Bibliotheque 
for  1785  is  related.1 

We  have,  then,  so  far  as  I  have  been  able<4o  discover,  the 
following  versions  (or  better  redactions)  of  Adenet’s  poem : — 
1)  edition  at  Lyons,  1480  (?);  2)  edition  at  Lyons,  1488  ;  3)  an 
undetermined  number  of  other  French  rifacimenti;  4)  the 
Spanish  prose  text  of  the  early  sixteenth  century  in  two  extant 
editions,  dated  1521  and  1603  respectively.  Madame  Le 
Gendre  de  Richebourg’ s  edition,  1733,  is  apparently  a  repro¬ 
duction  of  4.  To  these  two  the  form  of  the  story  in  the 
Bibliotheque  des  Romans ,  1785,  is  somehow  related.  Distinct 
from  them  and  founded  upon  one  of  the  French  rifacimenti  is 
the  redaction  of  the  Count  de  Tressan,  published  in  the 
Bibliotheque ,  April,  1777. 2 


1  Avantures  de  Clamades  etde  Claramonda  tirees  de  V  Espagnol,  par  Madame  L. 
G.  D.  JR,.,  d  Paris,  chez  Nyon  fils,  Quay  de  Conty,  1733.  Avec  Approbation  et 
Privilege  du  Roi. 

2  In  the  version  of  Mme.  L.  G.  D.  B. ,  there  is  a  dragon  of  cork  instead  of  a 
horse  of  ebony ;  the  three  African  kings  constructed  their  gifts  with  the  aid  of 
a  fairy.  The  dragon’ s  body  was  covered  with  scales  made  of  mother-of-pearl ; 
its  wings  were  made  of  feathers  of  the  most  beautiful  birds  of  India  ;  it  was 
operated  by  steel  pins.  Prince  Leopatris,  Clarmondine’s  suitor,  makes  war 
upon  the  King  of  Salerno,  while  Clarmondine  is  in  that  king’s  household, 
being  treated  by  Cleomades — the  physician.  While  M^niade  is  busy  fighting, 
the  lovers  contrive  to  escape.  Soaring  over  the  opposed  armies,  they  notice 
that  M6niade  and  Leopatris  are  about  to  engage  in  single  combat.  Cleomades 
calls  to  them  and  they  give  up  the  fight. 

Similar  to  the  above,  as  I  have  asserted,  is  the  redaction  in  the  Bibliotheque 
for  1785.  This  is  obviously,  however,  an  effort  to  make  as  much  of  a  burlesque 
as  possible  : — The  hen  and  chickens  sing  in  concert  as  melodiously  as  nightin¬ 
gales.  The  silver  statue  with  the  trumpet  is  far  more  accomplished  than  its 
fellow  in  the  other  forms  of  the  story.  Shortly  after  it  has  been  given  to  the 
king,  it  walks  to  an  unfortunate  little  slave, — Don  Diego  Spadille  by  name, — 
pounces  upon  him,  grasps  him  firmly,  and  then  sounds  the  trumpet  with 
fearful  sound.  This  is  enough  to  show  the  absurdly  garbled  form  of  the 
Cleomades  story  that  we  find  in  the  1785  prose  redaction. 

I  have  been  unable  to  consult  any  of  the  prose  redactions  except  the  two  in 
the  Bibliotheque  and  Mme.  L.  G.  D.  E.’s.  For  general  information  upon  the 


224 


[Vol.  VI 


Jones , 


II. 

Before  discussing  the  relations  of  the  Cleomades  to  the 
Meliacin  by  Girard  of  Amiens  and  to  the  Arabian  stories  of 
the  “  Enchanted  Horse,”  I  shall  have  to  give  a  summary  of 
Adenet’s  poem : — 

Ynabele,  daughter  of  the  King  of  Spain,  is  married  to 
Marcadigas,  son  of  Caldus,  King  of  Sardinia.  They  have  one 
son,  CKomades,  and  three  daughters,  Elyador,  Feniadisse,  and 
Marine.  Marcadigas,  in  the  absence  of  his  son,  is,  with  great 
difficulty,  defending  his  land  against  five  kings,  one  of  whom 
he  has  challenged  to  single  combat.  In  the  meantime, 
Cleomades,  hearing  of  his  father’s  hard  case,  returns  from 
France,  is  knighted  at  a  festival,  and  enables  Marcadigas  to 

prose  versions  of  the  Cleomades,  I  am  indebted  to  the  Histoire  litteraire,  xx, 
718.  See,  further,  Bibliothlque  des  Romans,  April,  1777,  168  If. 

It  might  be  mentioned  in  this  note  that  certain  elements  of  the  Cleomadh 
appear  in  the  “Valentine  and  Orson,”  of  which  we  have  only  a  prose 
version  to  be  dated,  according  to  Grober,  some  time  after  1489.  Of  these 
may  be  mentioned  the  wooden  horse  of  Pacolet,  the  names  of  Trompart  and 
Esclarmonde,  Esclarmonde’s  feigning  madness  in  order  to  escape  from  the 
king  of  Inde-la-Major,  and  the  lovers  disguise  as  a  physician.  So  far  as  we 
can  discover,  the  volksbuch,  or  the  lost  poem  upon  which  the  vol/csbuch  is  founded, 
simply  absorbed  these  particulars  from  the  Old  French  romance.  There  seems 
to  have  been  a  metrical  version  of  the  Valentine  and  Orson  in  the  first  half  of 
the  fourteenth  century.  Fragments  of  a  Dutch  redaction  are  ascribed  to  the 
second  half  of  the  fourteenth  century.  In  any  case  the  lost  French  poem  was 
not  older  than  the  Cleomades.  See  Grober’ s  Grundriss ,  ii,  792  ff. ;  Romania , 
xxvii,  326  ;  Histoire  litteraire  de  la  France ,  xx,  679  fi. ;  Grasse,  Lehrbuch  einer 
Literaturgeschichte,  ii,  277-278  ;  Grasse,  Tresor,  vi,  237-238  and  vii,  486  ; 
Chauvin,  Wallonia,  Janvier-Fevrier,  1898,  9.  The  writer  in  the  Histoire 
litteraire  speaks  of  V.  and  O.  as  a  “roman  qui,  pour  le  dire  en  passant,  n’est 
qu’une  grossiere  contrefa$:on  du  poeme  d’Adenes.”  On  the  other  hand  W. 
Seelman,  Valetin  und  Namelos,  lv-lvi  :  ‘  ‘  Das  Zauberpferd  des  Pacolet  cap. 
24  ff.,  ist  dem  Roman  de  Cleomades  entnommen,  dessen  Benutzung  auch  cap. 
31-39  und  60  deutlich  zeigen.  Man  darf  diese  Capitel  une  contrefa^on 
grossiere  des  Cleomades  nennen,  mit  diesem  Ausdruck  aber,  wie  die  Histoire 
litteraire  de  la  France  20,  679  f.,  tut  und  viele  nachschreiben,  den  ganzen 
Roman  de  Valentin  et  Orson  characterisiren  zu  wollen,  wiirde  ungerechtfertigt 
sein.” 


No.  2]  The  Cleomad&s,  the  Metiacin,  etc.  225 

overcome  the  champions  of  the  opposing  side, — Garsianis, 
King  of  Portugal ;  Bondart  le  Gris,  King  of  Gascony ;  Galdas 
des  Mons,  sire  of  Toulouse;  Agambart  le  Long,  King  of 
Aragon ;  and  Sormant  le  Rous,  King  of  Galicia. 

At  this  time  there  are  in  Africa  three  kings  who  have  great 
riches ;  their  kingdoms  are  adjacent ;  greatly  they  love  one 
another.  Each  of  them  knows  a  great  deal  of  “clergie,” 
necromancy,  and  “  astronomie.”  Two  of  them  are  seemly 
enough,  but  the  third,  named  Crompart,  is  “  lais,  petis  et 
bopus.”  These  three  kings,  having  heard  of  the  radiant 
beauty  of  the  three  Spanish  princesses,  hold  a  council,  at  which 
they  decide  to  proceed  in  state  to  King  Marcadigas  and  ask 
him  for  his  daughters.  Crompart,  thinking  uneasily  of  his 
ugliness,  suggests  that  each  of  them  should  give  the  king 
“un  jouel  de  tr§s  grant  richece,”  in  order  to  predispose  him 
in  their  favor. 

“  Quant  il  se  furent  arr^ 

Apres  ce  ont  pou  sejornd 
Tant  ont  li  uns  1’ autre  atendu 
Que  ensamble  sont  revenu.”  1 

The  African  kings  bring  their  gifts  to  Marcadigas  on  his 
birthday.  Melocandis  brings  a  man  of  gold  with  a  golden 
trumpet ;  Baldigant,  a  hen  with  six  chickens,  all  of  gold  and 
able  to  walk  and  sing ;  Crompart,  a  horse  of  ebony  that  can 
travel  as  swiftly  as  an  arrow  shot  from  a  bow.  Marcadigas, 
well  pleased  with  these  gifts,  offers  his  visitors  anything  they 
desire.  They  at  once  ask  for  the  three  princesses.  The  two 
older  sisters  are  satisfied  with  their  handsome  suitors,  Melo¬ 
candis  and  Baldigant,  but  Marine  is  deeply  distressed  by  the 
request  of  Crompart.  The  unhappy  girl  takes  her  trouble  to 
her  brother,  CRomades,  who  promises  to  protect  her  from  the 
displeasing  suitor.  In  the  meanwhile  all  the  gifts  are  to  be 
tested  and  Cl6omad£s  is  to  try  the  horse. 

When  Cleomad^s  mounts  the  magic  steed,  the  man  of 


1  Cliomadh ,  ed.  van  Hasselt,  1843  ff. 


226 


Jones , 


[Vol.  VI 


gold  vigorously  sounds  his  trumpet,  but  it  is  to  no  purpose. 
Crompart  goes  in  front  of  the  horse,  turns  a  little  pin,  and 
horse  and  rider  are  presently  lost  to  sight.  Crompart  is  then 
placed  in  confinement,  and  the  nuptials  of  his  brother  kings 
are  indefinitely  postponed. 

Cleomades,  borne  quickly  through  the  air,  learns,  in  time, 
the  mechanism  of  his  wonderful  horse.  He  descends  upon  the 
roof  of  a  tower,  passes  through  a  trap-door,  and  enters  an 
apartment  in  wrhich  he  finds  a  table  well  supplied.  After 
partaking  of  the  food,  he  comes  upon  a  “  grant  vilain,”  and 
later,  having  crossed  a  corridor,  enters  a  chamber  where  four 
maidens  are  asleep.  The  castle  is  Castle  Noble,  the  apartments 
are  those  of  the  princess  Clarmondine,  and  the  maidens  are  the 
princess  herself  and  her  three  attendants,  Florete,  Gaiety,  and 
Lyad§s.  Cleomades  makes  bold  to  kiss  the  princess ;  she 
awakens  and  asks  him  whether  he  is  not  Bleopatris,  to  whom 
her  father  has  promised  her.  He  says  that  he  is,  and  she  then 
asks  him  to  withdraw  while  she  dresses.  Later,  when  the 
lovers  are  surprised  by  the  girl’s  angry  father,  our  resourceful 
hero  is  not  found  wanting.  Every  three  years,  he  says,  the 
persecuting  fairy  folk  have  him  carried  away  on  a  wooden 
horse  that  takes  him  rapidly  over  the  world,  exposing  him  to 
serious  dangers.  Carmant,  Clarmondine’s  father,  sends  to  the 
roof  of  the  tower  for  the  strange  device.  Cl6omad£s,  when 
later  he  is  condemned  to  death,  asks  for  the  privilege  of  dying 
upon  his  horse.  The  request  is  granted  and  the  hero  makes 
good  his  escape. 

After  Cleomades  returns  to  Seville,  the  nuptials  of  his  two 
older  sisters  are  celebrated.  Crompart,  who  has  been  banished 
the  court,  remains  in  the  neighborhood  attending  the  sick. 
He  could  not  go  home  because  he  had  committed  certain 
crimes,  which,  according  to  the  custom  of  his  country,  must 
be  expiated  by  a  seven  years’  exile. 

Cleomades,  after  an  impatient  stay  at  Seville,  sets  out  once 
more  on  his  magic  horse  for  Castle  Noble.  Arriving  there 
in  the  daytime,  he  hides  until  nightfall  in  a  grove  adjacent 


No.  2] 


The  Cleomades,  the  Meliacin,  etc. 


227 


to  Clarmondine’ s  apartments.  He  then  enters  her  chamber, 
awakes  her  with  two  kisses,  and  tells  her  that  he  is  Cleomades, 
son  of  the  King  of  Spain.  As  the  sun  is  rising,  Cleomades 
and  Clarmondine  effect  their  escape,  Cleomades  shouting  to 
King  Carmant  that  he  is  Marcadigas’  son. 

When  the  travellers  reach  Seville,  Cleomades  leaves  his 
amie  in  a  garden  just  outside  the  city,  while  he  goes  to  prepare 
a  suitable  reception  for  her.  Crompart  then  meets  with 
Clarmondine  and,  noticing  his  ebony  horse,  takes  in  the  situa¬ 
tion  at  a  glance.  Having  persuaded  the  girl  that  he  is  her 
lover’s  emissary,  sent  to  escort  her  to  the  court,  he  soars  away 
with  her.  Clarmondine,  who  finds  herself  in  a  perilous  situa¬ 
tion,  tells  Crompart  that  she  is  a  silk- weaver  of  Lombardy, 
engaged  by  Cleomades  to  work  for  his  sisters.  While  the  two 
are  resting  in  a  meadow,  Crompart  is  overcome  by  the  hot  sun, 
and  Clarmondine,  oppressed  by  sorrow  and  fatigue,  falls  asleep. 

In  this  condition,  the  beautiful  princess  and  her  ugly 
abductor  are  found  by  Meniadus  and  his  followers,  while  they 
are  out  hunting.  That  was  a  good  flight  of  the  hawk,  exclaims 
the  poet,  that  brought  Meniadus  to  Clarmondine.  The  King 
of  Salerno  commands  that  Clarmondine  shall  be  escorted  to 
his  palace  with  the  greatest  consideration,  but  that  Crompart 
shall  be  thrown  into  prison.  During  the  night  the  wicked 
King  of  Bugia  expires  and  next  morning  Meniadus  sues  Clar¬ 
mondine  for  her  love.  She  obtains  a  respite  of  three  months. 
When  this  period  is  almost  at  an  end,  she  decides  to  feign 
madness,  in  order  to  escape  the  importunity  of  the  King  of 
Salerno. 

In  the  meantime  there  is  an  unsuccessful  search  for  Clar¬ 
mondine  at  Seville.  Cleomades  finds  one  of  her  gloves  but 
no  other  trace  of  his  lost  mistress.  He  will  search  for  her 
throughout  the  world.  After  traversing  many  countries,  he 
comes  to  Greece,  where  there  is  a  war  in  progress  with  Primo- 
nus,  King  of  Chaldea.  Our  hero  first  helps  the  Greeks  to 
conquer  the  Eastern  king  and  then  presses  on  through  Sicily 
to  Venice.  Thence  he  travels  by  wild  and  unfrequented  ways, 
4 


228 


Jones , 


[VoL  VI 


while  at  home  his  mother  and  sisters  are  distracted  with 
sorrow  and  his  father  has  died  of  grief.  One  night  Cl6omad£s 
reaches  the  castle  of  Mount  Estrais.  After  he  has  been  well 
received,  he  is  told  that  a  strange  custom  prevails  at  that 
castle :  every  man  entertained  there  must  on  the  following 
morning  either  leave  his  arms  and  horse  behind  or  singly 
engage  two  knights.  Cl6omades,  having  chosen  the  latter 
alternative,  fights  the  two  knights  and  is  victorious.  Notwith¬ 
standing  the  ungenerous  custom  that  they  strive  to  maintain, 
his  vanquished  opponents  appear  to  be  courteous  chevaliers. 
One  of  them,  who  has  been  badly  wounded,  is  sorrowful 
because  he  will  now  be  unable  to  go  to  the  rescue  of  a  damsel 
wrongfully  accused.  The  maiden  in  the  case  is  Lyades,  one  of 
Clarmondine’s  attendants.  She,  together  with  her  companions, 
has  been  charged  with  treason  by  Bleopatris,  the  disappointed 
suitor  of  the  princess.  Durbant  and  Sartant,  the  two  knights 
against  whom  Cl6omad£s  has  contended,  are  in  love  with  two 
of  the  accused  damsels.  Cleomades  promises  to  take  the  place 
of  Sartant,  the  wounded  knight. 

With  Durbant  and  the  minstrel  Pinchonnet,  Cl^omad^s, 
disguised,  sets  out  for  the  court  of  King  Carmant.  The  party 
is  first  lodged  at  an  inn,  near  Castle  Noble,  a  location  from 
which  Cl6omad£s  wishes  to  move  because  he  cannot  look  with 
composure  upon  Clarmondine’s  home.  Durbant  accordingly 
finds  new  lodgings  in  Verde  Coste,  the  house  of  Lyades’ 
father.  In  the  tournament  that  follows,  Cleomades  and  Dur¬ 
bant  successfully  defend  the  damsels  charged  with  treason,  and 
then  return  with  them  to  Verde  Coste.  There  the  girls  discover 
the  identity  of  Cleomades.  The  hero,  still  accompanied  by 
Pinchonnet,  now  takes  the  road  to  Rome,  searching  for  his 
beloved  through  many  countries  until  he  reaches  Salerno,  the 
kingdom  of  Meniadus.  Instead  of  asking  toll,  this  ruler  re¬ 
quires  all  comers  to  tell  him  news  of  the  strange  lands  through 
which  they  have  travelled. 

When  Cleomades  has  reached  Salerno,  he  goes  to  an  inn. 
There  he  learns  of  Clarmondine’s  madness.  Suspecting  the  true 


No.  2] 


The  Cleomadh ,  the  Meliacin,  etc. 


229 


nature  of  her  malady,  he  obtains  a  false  beard  and  the  habit  of 
a  physician.  Thus  attired,  he  secures  an  interview  with  the 
king,  as  a  result  of  which  he  is  conducted  to  Clarmondine’s 
apartment.  Cleomades,  who  has  Clarmondine’s  glove  filled 
with  herbs,  easily  makes  himself  known  to  his  beloved.  She 
speedily  shows  marked  symptoms  of  improvement  and  calls  for 
her  horse.  The  new  physician  advises  that  this  harmless  whim 
of  his  patient  should  be  indulged;  the  horse  is  accordingly 
produced  and  the  lovers  make  good  their  escape.  As  they  soar 
away,  Cl6omad§s  calls  out  that  he  is  the  Prince  of  Spain  and 
that  his  companion  is  Clarmondine,  daughter  of  the  King  of 
Tuscany. 

Pinchonnet  now  tells  Meniadus  the  whole  story  of  the  adven¬ 
tures  of  Cleomades  and  the  fair  Clarmondine.  He  then  goes  to 
Verde  Coste  and  recounts  to  LyadSs  all  that  had  happened. 
Finally  he  takes  his  story  to  Carmant,  who  learns  with  joy  that 
his  daughter  is  safe,  and  to  Durbant,  to  whom  he  makes  known 
the  strange  knight’s  identity. 

After  stopping  several  times  to  rest  by  the  way,  Cl6omad£s 
and  Clarmondine  reach  Seville  in  safety.  There  follows  a 
magnificent  feast  to  which  almost  everybody  in  the  story  is 
bidden,  even  the  five  kings  conquered  by  Cleomades  and  his 
father.  Besides  the  weddings  of  Cl6omades,  Melocandis,  and 
Baldigant,  the  following  nuptials  are  celebrated: — Meniadus 
marries  Marine ;  Carmant  marries  Inabele.  Further,  Pin¬ 
chonnet  is  knighted  and  Durbant  and  Sartant  are  made  dukes. 

The  Meliacin,  which  closely  resembles  the  poem  just  summa¬ 
rized,  is,  as  a  whole,  still  in  MS.,  although  excerpts  have  been 
published  by  Stengel1  and  Keller.2  There  are  four  extant 
MSS.3: — 1455,  1589,  1633,  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale ; 

1  Zeitschrift  fiir  romanische  Philologie,  x,  460  ff.  2Romvart,  99  ff. 

3Histoire  litteraire,  xxxi,  171  ff.  ;  for  a  minute  study  of  MS.  1455  of  the 
Bibliotheque  Nationale ,  see  : —  fiber  das  Verhdltniss  der  Handschrift  D  von  Girard 
d?  Amiens'  cheval  de  fust  (no.  1455  des  f.  fr.  der  Pariser  Nationalbibliothek)  zu 
Adenet  le  Rois ’  Cleomades,  Albert  Romermann ,  Greifswald,  1903  ( Inaugural- 
Dissertation );  also,  Giulio  Bertoni,  Sui  manoscritti  del  “ Meliacin’ ’  di  Gerard 
d’Amien,  Halle ,  1903;  Ztsch.  f.  roman.  Philol.  xxvii,  616-621. 


230 


[Vol.  VI 


Jones , 

2757  in  the  Bibliotheque  Rieeardienne.  MS.  1455  in  the 
Bibliotheque  Nationale  is  the  only  one  that  calls  for  special 
comment.  Here  the  first  2912  lines  are  taken  from  the 
Cttomad&s  to  make  good  an  imperfection  at  the  beginning  of  the 
MS.,  the  copyist  making  the  necessary  changes  in  proper  names. 
The  point  of  connection  between  the  substituted  portion  and 
what  was  left  of  the  Meliaein,  is  where  the  hero  arrives  for  the 
first  time  at  the  house  of  his  amie.  Finding  a  table  abundantly 
supplied,  he  satisfies  his  hunger.  He  then  enters  the  room  in 
which  the  giant  is  asleep  and  stops  to  look  at  him.  Just  here 
the  copyist  takes  up  the  M&liaein.  Since,  however,  the  giant’s 
bed  is  not  described  in  the  Cl6omad&s  but  is  described  in  the 
Meliaein ,  the  copyist  had  to  insert  a  few  lines  of  his  own  to 
bridge  a  slight  gap.  Moreover,  he  made  the  mistake  of 
supposing  that  the  first  line  of  his  imperfect  manuscript  referred 
to  “  leopards,”  instead  of  “cierges.”  It  should  be  noted,  too, 
that  he  condensed  somewhat  the  excerpt  from  the  Cleomades , 
giving  us  2400  lines  instead  of  2912.  The  meaning  of  all  this 
is  obvious : — Some  copyist  of  the  Meliaein,  noting  the  close 
similarity  between  that  poem  and  Cleomades,  undertook  to 
supply  from  Adenet’s  poem  certain  deficiencies  in  a  manuscript 
of  Girard’s. 

The  two  poems  are,  indeed,  in  the  main  course  of  their 
narratives  so  closely  similar  that  I  shall  not  need  here  to 
summarize  the  Meliaein.  There  are,  however,  notable  points 
of  difference  between  them,  which  I  shall  indicate  later.  These 
have  led  doctors  to  disagree  as  to  the  true  relations  between 
the  romances,  although  it  may  be  said  that  the  weight  of 
authority  favors  the  opinion  that  Girard’s  poem  is  not  derived 
from  Adenet’s.  Grober  affirms  that  the  Meliaein  is  based  upon  a 
“blosse  Nacherzahlung”  of  the  CUomades ,l  Chauvin,2  Tobler,3 
and  Paris,4  on  the  other  hand,  think  that  the  two  poets  were 


1  Grundriss  II,  787. 

2  Pacolet  et  les  Mille  et  une  Nuits,  Wallonia,  Janvier-Fevrier,  1898,  5  ff. 

3  Zeitschrift  fur  romanische  Philologie,  xi,  421  ff. 

4 Romania,  xxvn,,  325  ff.  (Review  of  Chauvin,  Pacolet  et  les  Mille  et  une 
Nuits. ) 


No.  2]  The  CUomades ,  the  Meliacin,  etc.  231 

indebted  to  a  common  source,  Chauvin  holding  that  this  was 
a  Spanish  poem,  which  was  an  amplification  of  a  version 
contained  in  an  old  Spanish  translation  of  the  “  Thousand  and 
One  Nights,”  and  Paris  that  it  was  an  abridged  French  form 
of  a  Spanish  oral  version.  Referring  to  the  differences  between 
the  romances,  Chauvin  observes  : — “  De  ces  differences,  on 
peut  conclure  que  Girard  a  suivi  plus  fidelement  son  module ; 
s’il  avait  seulement  imite  Adenet,  il  aurait  bien  pu  modifier 
certains  faits,  mais  non  faire  coincider  ces  modifications  avec  la 
source  m£me  a  laquelle  Adenet  avait  puis6.  II  a  done  connu  la 
meme  source  qu’ Adenet.”  Tobler’s  opinion,  although  not  so 
positive,  is  similar.  He  disagrees  with  MiclielanPs  view  that 
Girard  in  the  concluding  verses 1  of  his  poem  has  taken  too 
much  credit  unto  himself.  Michelant  had  gone  so  far  as  to  say 
that  the  Meliacin  “  n’est  autre  que  le  roman  de  CUomades .” 
Tobler,  on  the  other  hand,  judging  from  the  excerpts  of  the 
romance  published  by  Stengel  and  Keller,  is  inclined  to  think 
that  Girard’s  poem  is  probably  an  independent  redaction  of  the 
source  of  the  CUomades.  In  any  case  “von  einfacher  An- 
eigung  fremden  Gutes  durch  Girardin  keine  Rede  sein  kann.” 

1  The  words  are  : — 

Gerardins  d’ Amiens  qui  plus  n’a 

oi  de  cest  conte  retraire, 

n’  i  veult  pas  menconges  atraire 

ne  chose  dont  il  fust  repris  : 

ainsi  qu’  il  a  le  conte  apris, 

l’a  rime  au  mieux  qu’il  savoit 

et  s’amender  riens  i  avoit, 

il  n’i  faut  que  le  commander, 

que  peu  est  chose  ou  amender.  mss.  fr.  1589. 

Biblioihek  des  litterarischen  Vereins,  178  ;  Der  Roman  von  Escanor  von  Gerard 
von  Amiens,  herausgegeben  von  Dr.  H.  Michelant,  Tubingen,  1886,  xxiv- 
xxv.  Michelant  writes:  “  Une  troisieme  ceuvre  qu’il  intitule  Meliacin  et 
Celinde,  qui  n’est  autre  que  le  roman  de  Cleomadds  d’  Adenet  le  Eoi  et  qu’il 
s’attribue  sans  le  moindre  vergogne  dans  les  vers  suivants  qui  terminent  le 
poeme,  (the  verses  given  above).  ...  Il  faut  convenir  que  Gerard  ou  Gerardin 
etait  doue  d’une  dose  d’effronterie  peu  commune;  il  ne  se  genait  pas  pour 
“menfonges  atraire”  et  il  y  a  “ou  amender”  pour  retablir  la  veritde.” 


232 


Jones , 


[Vol.  VI 


Paris  is  also  in  favor  of  a  common  source  :  “  Dans  les  deux 
poemes  franyais,  et  par  consequent  dans  leur  source  commune, 
ou  trouve  le  recit  d’un  combat  judiciaire,  livr6  par  le  h6ros,  qui 
n’est  pas  et  ne  pouvait  pas  6tre  dans  l’arabe  :  d’ou  il  suit  que 
la  source  commune  de  ces  deux  poemes  avait  deja  modifie 
l’original  et  y  avait  introduit  cet  episode.  Mais  s’en  suit-il 
6galement,  comme  le  pense  M.  Chauvin,  que  cette  source  ffrt  un 
po£me  espagnol,  po§me  dont  il  ne  s’est  d’ailleurs  conserve 
aucune  trace,  et  que  ce  poeme  flit  lui-m§me  emprunt6  a  une 
traduction  castillane,  ex6cut6e  des  le  XIII6  si£cle  et  6galement 
perdue,  des  Mille  et  une  Nuits?  J’en  doute.  Tressan  dit,  il  est 
vrai,  avoir  vu  de  Cl6omad£s  ‘  un  exemplaire  en  vers  espagnols  ’ 
dans  la  bibliothSque  de  M.  de  Paulmy  ;  mais  ou  connait  le 
peu  de  stiret6  des  allegations  de  Tressan,  qui,  deux  lignes  plus 
loin,  parle  de  la  ‘traduction  espagnole’  du  commencement  du 
XVIe  si£cle  sans  paraitre  se  rendre  compte  que  c’est  une  tra¬ 
duction  du  poeme  d’ Adenet.  Tressan,  dit  M.  Chauvin,  ‘  n’avait 
pas  l’habitude,  d’affirmer  ce  qui  n’est  pas’;  peut  6tre  ne  l’affir- 
mait-il  pas  sciemment,  mais  il  etait  bien  facile  a  tromper,  et  il 
parait  ici  avoir  pris  pour  un  poeme  espagnol  le  po&me 
d? Adenet,  don’t  il  existait  en  effet  un  exemplaire  chez  M.  de 
Paulmy  (aujourd’hui  a  l’Arsenel) :  das  ham  Him,  dirait-on  en 
allemand,  so  spanisch  vor.  Il  serait  surprenant,  quoi  qu’en 
dise  M.  Chauvin,  que  ni  de  ce  poeme  ni  de  la  version  suppos§e 
des  Mille  et  une  Nuits  (quel  tresor  c’etit  ete  pour  les  conteurs  !) 
il  ne  nous  flit  rest6  aucune  vestige,  aucune  mention.” 

The  opinions  of  Tobler,  Chauvin,  and  Paris  about  the  relations 
between  the  Old  French  romances  are  based,  in  part,  upon  a 
comparison  of  the  poems  with  the  well-known  Arabian  Nights 
story  of  the  “  Enchanted  Horse.” 1  Of  this  tale  there  are  three 


1  It  has  been  often  noted  that  the  Arabian  story  is  essentially  the  same  as  that 
of  the  romances.  See,  particularly,  de  Martonne ,  Memoir es  de  la  Societe  royale 
des  Antiquaires  de  France,  x,  395-403  (1834)  ;  Keightley,  Tales  and  Popular 
Fictions,  41 3. ;  Loiseleur,  Les  Mille  et  une  Nuits  {Edition  du  Pantheon  litter  air  e), 
610  ;  Lane,  The  Thousand  and  One  Nights,  1865,  n,  491 ;  Chauvin,  Wallonia, 
Janvier-Fevrier,  1898,  p.  10. — van  Hasselt,  Cleomadh,  I,  xxn,  curiously 


No.  2] 


The  CleomadZs,  the  Meliacin,  etc. 


233 


Arabian  versions : — 1)  Bulak  (1297,  n,  189—201),  Beirut 
(hi,  19-38),  Bombay  (n,  216-233);  2)  Habicht  (translated 
by  Weil);  3)  Galland.  Of  these  3  varies  notably  from  the 
other  two;  2  in  many  particulars  varies  from  l.1 

As  Chauvin  has  noted2  the  Habicht  version  is  nearer  the 
Old  French  romances  than  the  Bulak  version  is : — In  Habicht 
and  in  the  romances  the  visitors  arrive  on  a  feast-day,  which  in 
the  Arabian  tale  is  New  Year’s  Hay,  and  in  the  romances  the 
king’s  birthday.  The  gifts  in  the  romances  are  more  nearly 
paralleled  by  those  in  Habicht.  Again,  in  Habicht  and  in  the 
romances  we  are  told  in  the  beginning  that  the  disappointed 
suitor  is  ugly,  whereas  in  Bulak  this  important  detail  does  not 
appear  until  the  story  is  well  advanced.  In  Habicht  and  the 

overlooking  the  Arabian  story,  writes  :  “Mais  nous  n’avons  pu  retrouver,  ni 
dansle  Romancero  ni  dans  aucune  autre  source  de  l’ancienne  litterature  his- 
panique  le  moindre  trace  de  Faction  d^veloppee  par  le  menestrel  brabanfon.” 
Paris,  too,  had  at  first  taken  no  notice  of  the  Oriental  tale,  but  he  makes  his 
excuses  in  reviewing  Chauvin’ s  article  published  in  Wallonia  ;  see  Zeitschrift 
fur  romanische  Philologie,  xi,  421  ff. 

1  Chauvin  (o.  c.  12 ff.),  thinks  that  the  Habicht  version  is  older  than  the 
Bulak.  He  bases  this  opinion  upon  the  supposed  inferiority  in  plan  and 
execution  of  the  latter  form  : — 11  Ainsi,  bien  que  l’enchanteur  qui  a  fabrique  le 
cheval  soit  fort  laid,  comme  on  l’apprend  au  cours  du  recit,  cette  circonstance 
ne  semble  pas  avoir  d’ influence  sur  le  refus  qu’on  lui  fait  de  la  main  de 
la  princesse  et  qu’on  ne  s’explique  pas  trop.  Puis  la  princesse  se  montre 
fort  peu  reservee  en  se  jetant  des  l’abord  au  cou  du  prince  sans  aucune  retenue. 
Enfin,  on  peut  encore  critiquer  la  fin  de  l’histoire  de  l’enchanteur  ou,  pour 
mieux  dire,  1’ absence  de  conclusion  en  ce  qui  leconcerne.  En  somme,  la  forme 
du  conte  dans  1’ Edition  de  Boulaq  fait  1’ impression  d’une  redaction  assez  gauche 
et  plus  fidele  pour  les  faits  que  pour  les  motifs  qui  les  ont  amenes.”  On  the 
other  hand,  Habicht  “est  plus  ancienne  que  1’ autre,  puisq’elle  conserve,  par 
exemple,  la  mention  de  la  f6te  du  nouvel  an,  que  le  redacteur  de  F  edition  de 
Boulaq  semble  avoir  supprimee  par  scruple  religieux. — D’ autre  part,  elle  lui 
est,  litterairement,  beaucoup  superieure.  Son  auteur  est  &coup  sur,  un  conteur 
habile,  sachant  sacrifier  les  donees  inutiles,  s’attachant  a  presenter  des  motifs  et 
a  donner,  a  son  recit,  de  la  suite  et  de  la  cohesion.  ...  D’  abord  sa  perfection 
artistique  nous  prouve  que  c’est  le  rifacimento  d’un  homme  de  talent,  tandis 
que  la  version  de  Boulaq  est  le  resume  d’un  6crivain  plus  soucieux  de 
conserver  les  faits  qu’il  a  entendu  conter  que  de  concevoir  et  d’executer  une 
oeuvre  v raiment  litteraire.” 

2  Wallonia,  Janvier- Fevrier,  1898,  10  ff. 


234 


Jones, 


[Vol.  VI 


Old  French  poems,  the  king  gives  his  daughter  to  the  ugly 
suitor,  she  complains  to  her  brother,  and  the  prince  then  makes 
trial  of  the  horse ;  in  Bulak  there  is  nothing  about  the  princess’ 
being  granted  to  the  objectionable  suitor  aud  then  complaining 
to  her  brother.  In  Habicht  and  in  the  romances,  once  more, 
the  hero  pretends  to  be  a  suitor  to  whom  the  girl  had  been 
promised  by  her  father;  in  Bulak  the  stranger, — a  very  violent 
stranger  by  the  way — passes  as  that  son  of  the  King  of  India 
who  has  just  sued  for  her  hand  and  been  rejected  on  account  of 
his  ugliness; — in  her  surprise  over  the  beauty  of  the  young  man 
before  her,  she  throws  herself  into  his  arms.  The  burning  of 
incense,  moreover,  which  appears  in  Bulak  at  the  close  of  the 
story,  has  no  place  in  Habicht  and  in  the  romances.  Chauvin 
notes  further  that  Habicht,  although  much  nearer  the  romances 
than  Bulak,  does  not  accurately  represent  the  hypothetical  text 
known  in  the  thirteenth  century.  In  one  regard  Bulak  seems 
nearer  this  assumed  common  source  of  the  GUomadZs  and 
MZliacin  than  Habicht  does.  According  to  Bulak  the  prince, 
having  reached  the  country  in  which  the  princess  is  held  captive, 
learns  of  his  amie  first  from  the  people  with  whom  he  converses 
outside  of  the  castle  and  then  from  the  imprisoned  magician. 
This  duplication,  it  is  pointed  out,  must  have  appeared  in  the 
text  followed  by  Adenet  and  Girard,  since  the  former  selected 
the  people’s  conversation,  the  latter,  the  revelations  of  the 
magician.  One  other  point  might  be  noted:  The  M6liacin 
represents  the  captured  hero  as  offering  to  fight  five  knights. 
Here  Girard  comes  nearer  the  Arabian  versions  than  Adenet, 
whose  hero  asks  for  the  privilege  of  dying  upon  his  horse. 

The  Galland  version  of  the  “  Enchanted  Horse”  varies  from 
Bulak  and  Habicht  in  important  particulars.  The  tale,  with  a 
number  of  others,  is  not  contained  in  the  three  extant  volumes 
of  Galland’s  manuscript,  which  were  deposited,  after  the  death 
of  that  famous  scholar,  in  the  Biblioth&que  du  roi.  Nor  does  the 
story  as  given  by  Galland  appear  in  any  of  the  Oriental  texts 
that  we  now  have.  The  assumption  that  its  variations  from 
the  Bulak  and  Habicht  versions  might  be  due  to  Galland’s 


No.  2] 


The  Cleomad&s,  the  Meliacin,  etc. 


235 


ingenuity  is  not  only  unlikely,  in  view  of  the  variations  them¬ 
selves,  but  is  in  the  main  discredited  by  the  manuscript  of 
Galland’s  diary.  We  read  there  under  date  of  Monday, 
March  25th,  1709  :  “Le  matin  j’allai  voir  M.  Paul  Lucas  qui 
estoit  sur  le  point  de  sortir.  Je  m’arrestai  avec  M.  Hanna, 
Maronite  d’Halep,  qu’il  avoit  amen6  d’Halep ;  et  M.  Hanna 
[me  conta]  quelques  contes  Arabes  fort  beaux,  qui  [sic]  me 
promit  de  les  mettre  par  ecrit,  pour  me  les  communiquer.” 
Further  under  date  of  Monday,  May  13th,  1709:  “  Le 
Maronite  Hanna  me  raconta  ce  conte  arabe:  Dans  une  Feste 
publique  qui  des  plus  habiles  tant  du  pays  que  des  estrangers 
faisoient  [voir  ?]  au  Roy  plusieurs  sortes  de  raretez,  un  Indien 
lui  presenta  un  cheval  de  bois,  etc.” 1 

During,  then,  the  first  month  of  the  year  1709,  a  Maronite 
Christian  from  Aleppo,  named  Hanna,  who  had  accompanied  to 
Paris  the  celebrated  traveller,  Paul  Lucas,  communicated  to 
Galland  several  stories,  —  among  them  the  history  of  the 
Wonderful  Lamp,  Baba  ’ Abdallah,  Sidi  Noliman,  the  En¬ 
chanted  Horse,  Prince  Ahmed  and  the  Fairy  Paribannoti,  etc. 
Zotenberg,  after  an  examination  of  the  manuscript,  thinks  that 
we  are  justified  in  believing  that  the  circumstantial  analyses, 
traced  in  Galland’ s  diary  with  a  rapid  hand,  are  faithful  and  in 
part  literal  reproductions  of  the  narratives  told  him.  Such  is 
the  channel,  according  to  Zotenberg,  through  which  these 
famous  stories  have  reached  the  Occident.  One  important 
question,  now,  arises :  What  is  their  source  ?  Evidently  the 
Maronite  had  not  invented  them,  and  Zotenberg  is  persuaded 
that  the  stories,  as  told,  were  not  entirely  improvised.  The 
Oriental  probably  had  in  his  possession  the  text,  a  partial  copy 
of  which  he  communicated  to  Galland,  and  the  whole  of  which 
has  now  disappeared. 

The  testimony  furnished  by  Galland’ s  diary  seems,  then,  to 

1  These  excerpts  from  Galland’ s  diary  maybe  found  in  Zotenberg,  Hermann, 
H istoire  d’  Ala  al-Din  ou  La  lampe  merveilleuse.  Ttxte  arabe  public,  avec  une 
notice  sur  quelques  manuscrits  des  Mille  et  une  nuits,  Paris,  1888. 


236 


[Vol.  VI 


Jones, 

warrant  a  recognition  of  Galland’ s  version  as  a  true  folk-tale 
variant  of  the  tale  of  the  “  Enchanted  Horse.”  The  fact  that 
the  only  extant  record  of  it  belongs  to  the  early  part  of  the 
eighteenth  century  does  not  mean  that  the  form  is  compara¬ 
tively  modern.  Such  evidence  is  neither  here  nor  there  in  an 
effort  to  determine  the  antiquity  of  any  folk-tale.  So  far  as 
one  can  see,  the  story  told  Galland  by  his  entertaining  Oriental 
friend  might  be  just  as  old  as  the  versions  that  I  have  called 
Habicht  and  Bulak.  If  we  ask  the  Galland  version  to  speak 
for  itself,  the  answer  must  be  that  its  comparative  simplicity, 
its  avoidance  of  duplication,  points  to  an  early  version  of 
which  Bulak  and  Habicht  represent  later  stages.  In  any  case, 
whether  old  or  young,  this  valuable  variant  of  the  tale  of  the 
“  Enchanted  Horse  ”  deserves  our  attention. 

The  beginning  of  the  Galland  version  differs  notably  from 
what  we  find  in  Bulak  and  Habicht  :  On  the  Novrouz,  which 
is  the  first  of  the  year  and  of  spring,  the  solemn  feast  was 
celebrated  at  the  court  of  Schiraz.  After  many  ingenious 
artisans  had  given  gifts  to  the  king  and  received  their  rewards, 
the  assembly  was  about  to  break  up.  Then  appeared  an  Indian 
with  an  artificial  horse  richly  caparisoned  and  to  all  appear¬ 
ances  a  horse  of  flesh  and  blood.  The  visitor  said  that  his 
horse  would  soar  through  the  air,  swiftly  transporting  its  rider 
to  distant  parts.  Wishing  to  have  some  proof  of  this,  the  king 
asks  the  Indian  to  go  to  a  distant  mountain  and  return  with 
the  branch  of  a  palm-tree.  The  owner,  of  the  horse  turns  a 
pin,  flies  away,  and  soon  returns  with  the  branch.  The  king 
now  offers  to  buy  the  wonderful  steed.  The  Indian  will  give  it 
up  only  in  return  for  the  king’s  daughter ;  he  himself  had 
acquired  possession  of  it  by  giving  his  daughter  to  the  maker 
and  by  promising  at  the  same  time  never  to  sell  it.  The 
courtiers  laugh  at  the  Indian’s  insolent  proposition  and  prince 
Firouz  Schah  is  especially  indignant.  The  young  man,  under¬ 
taking  to  test  the  horse,  mounts  it  and  turns  the  fatal  pin. — 
The  rest  of  the  Galland  version  does  not  differ  notably  from 
the  others  except  for  the  episode  of  the  prince’s  first  visit  to  his 


No.  2] 


The  Cleomadh,  the  Meliaein,  etc . 


237 


amie.  In  Bulak,  Habicht,  and  the  romances,  this  is  unsuccessful 
and  the  hero  goes  back  later  to  get  his  beloved.  In  Galland, 
the  prince,  after  a  long  sojourn  with  the  princess  of  Bengal, 
which  is  suggestive  of  fairy-mistress  stories,  brings  his  bride 
safely  back  to  Persia.  Both  in  the  matter  of  the  gifts,  then, 
and  in  the  incident  of  the  hero’s  visit  to  the  heroine,  the 
Galland  version  exhibits  greater  simplicity  than  the  other 
forms  of  the  story.1 

From  the  comparison  given  above,  it  appears  that,  of  the 
three  Arabian  versions  of  the  “  Enchanted  Horse  ”  story, 
Habicht  and  Bulak  are  the  more  important  in  an  investigation 
of  the  question  immediately  before  us ;  and  of  these  Habicht  is 
somewhat  more  significant  than  Bulak.  We  are  now  prepared 
to  ask :  1)  What  was  the  source  of  the  ClfomadZs*!  2)  Was 
the  source  of  the  Meliaein  the  same  as  that  of  the  Cleomades,  or 
was  the  former  romance  derived  from  the  latter?  It  is  more 
convenient  to  treat  the  second  problem  first. 

The  weight  of  authority  I  have  shown  to  be  in  favor  of  a 
common  source  for  the  CUomad&s  and  the  Meliaein.  For  one 
thing,  as  I  have  said,  the  romances  differ  in  important  particu¬ 
lars.  The  names  are  not  the  same  in  a  single  instance ;  the 
scene  of  the  Meliaein  is  laid  in  Asia,  instead  of  Spain ;  the  three 
visitors  to  the  king  of  the  Grande  Ermenie  are  clerks,  whereas 
in  the  Cttomad&s  they  are  kings.  Much  more  important  than 
these  differences  in  detail  are  many  divergencies  in  the  incidents. 
Meliaein,  when  taken  captive  by  Celinde’s  father,  asks  for  his 
horse,  not  that  he  might  die  upon  its  back,  but  that  he  might 
bravely  contend  against  five  warriors.  Instead  of  the  contest 
at  the  castle  of  the  discourteous  custom,  the  Meliaein  tells  of  the 


1  The  form  of  the  story,  exactly  as  it  is  found  in  the  MS.  of  Galland’ s  diary, 
I  have  obtained  through  the  kindness  of  Dr.  C.  M.  Underwood,  Jr.  The 
copying  was  done  under  Dr.  Underwood’s  special  supervision.  It  appears 
from  this  copy  that  the  story  as  we  find  it  in  Galland’ s  edition  of  the  Arabian 
Nights  is  in  all  essentials  the  story  told  him  by  the  Maronite  Christian.  For  a 
version  of  the  “Enchanted  Horse”  story  recorded  very  recently,  see  Indian 
Fairy  Tales,  Mark  Thornhill,  London,  1888;  108  ff. 


238 


[Vol.  VI 


Jones, 

hero’s  giving  battle  to  a  giant  Roberon.  Moreover,  there  is  in 
the  Meliaein  a  long  episode  following  the  defence  of  the  accused 
damsels  that  is  not  paralleled  in  the  CUomad&s : — Sabel,  the 
rival  suitor  for  C6linde’s  love,  laid  an  ambuscade  upon  the 
road  by  which  Meliaein  was  returning  after  his  successful 
defense  of  Celinde’s  maids-in-waiting.  In  the  fighting  that 
follows,  Sabel  is  taken  prisoner.  Later,  Sabel’ s  father,  Natalus, 
King  of  Serre,  besieges  the  castle  in  which  the  hero  has  taken 
refuge.  The  account  of  the  war  that  follows  extends  over  many 
thousand  lines.  At  length  Meliaein  is  taken  prisoner  and 
condemned  to  death  ;  but  with  the  help  of  the  chatelain’s  wife, 
he  effects  his  escape. 

When  these  differences  are  considered  in  connection  with  the 
relation  between  the  French  romances  and  the  Arabian  story, 
one  can  hardly  believe  that  Girard’s  poem  is  derived  from 
Adenet’s.  The  relation  I  speak  of  is  this  :  in  two  places  where 
the  Meliaein  differs  from  the  Cleomades,  it  agrees  with  the 
Arabian  version.  The  first  incident  is  the  trial  by  combat 
proposed  by  the  hero  when  he  is  captured  by  the  girl’s  father: 
in  the  Meliaein  he  would  justify  himself  in  a  contest  against  five 
knights,  and  in  the  Arabian  story  he  would  fight  the  king  or 
his  whole  army.  The  second  incident  is  the  imprisonment  of 
the  hero  beneath  the  cell  in  which  the  ugly  suitor  is  confined. 

These  are  small  points.  They  are  not  of  a  kind  to  modify 
the  structure  of  the  story  or  to  deflect  its  course.  But  that  is 
not  the  question.  If,  indeed,  these  points  of  difference  should 
suit  some  novel  conception  of  the  story,  they  would  be  for  the 
problem  before  us  of  less  importance ;  because  in  that  case  they 
might  easily  have  originated  independently.  It  is  rather  the 
little  turn  or  incident, — some  ear-mark,  so  to  speak — nothing 
vital  to  any  original  reconstruction  of  the  story — that  helps  the 
investigator  to  detect  indebtedness.  And  such  we  have  here. 
What  is  more,  the  Cttomad&s  in  the  particulars  noted  is  better 
than  the  M6liacin  and  the  Arabian  story.  It  is  more  reasonable, 
less  awkward.  This  is  certainly  true  in  regard  to  the  second 
incident  I  have  mentioned.  From  the  point  of  view  of  narra- 


No.  2] 


The  Cleomad&s,  the  Meliacin ,  etc. 


239 


tive  art  it  is  obviously  better  to  kill  Clamazart  or  Crompart 
soon  after  the  heroine  is  rescued  from  him.  At  any  rate,  is  it 
likely  that,  if  he  had  been  dead  in  Girard’s  source,  he  would 
have  been  revived  by  that  poet  for  the  sake  of  so  awkward  a 
device  as  we  find  in  the  Meliacin  f 

It  appears,  then,  that  the  Old  French  romances  are  suffi¬ 
ciently  alike  to  warrant  the  inference  that  one  is  derived  from 
the  other  or  that  they  go  back  to  a  common  source.  The 
Cleomades  is  certainly  not  derived  from  the  Meliacin,  because 
the  latter  was  not  written  until  after  Adenet’s  poem.  The 
CUomad&s  was  written  between  1275  and  1283.  The  first  of 
these  two  dates  is  that  of  the  return  to  France  of  Blanche, 
widow  of  the  Infanta  of  Castile,  bringing  with  her  presumably 
the  story  of  the  cheval  de  fust ;  the  second  marks  the  death  of 
King  Philip,  husband  of  that  Marie,  to  whom  Adenet  near  the 
end  of  his  romance  alludes  as  Queen  of  France.  The  Meliacin , 
according  to  Paris,1  seems  to  have  been  written  between  1285 
and  1291.  Paris  finds  his  reasons  for  this  assignment  in  the 
miniatures  found  in  mss.  1633  and  1589.  One  of  the  persons 
in  the  group  there  represented  is  apparently  King  Philip  the 
Fair,  who  came  to  the  throne  in  1285,  and  the  other,  the 
Countess  d’Alen§ou  who  was  dead  in  1291.  Such  evidence 
seems  to  show  that  the  Cleomades  is  not  derived  from  the 
Meliacin.  Nor  does  it  seems  likely  from  what  I  have  said 
above,  that  the  Meliacin  is  derived  from  the  CleomadZs.  The 
conclusion  at  which  we  arrive,  then,  in  the  light  of  the  simi¬ 
larity  of  the  two  romances,  is  that  they  go  back  to  a  common 
source. 

A  further  question  is :  What  is  this  common  source  ? 
Tressan,  in  his  introduction  to  his  prose  version  of  the  romance 
writes :  “  Le  roman  de  CUomadbs  est  tr£s  ancien  ;  j’en  ai  vu 
un  exemplaire  en  vers  espagnols  dans  la  bibliothSque  d’un 
savant,  qui  fait  le  meilleur  usage  des  Tresors  qu’il  a  rassem- 
bles.”  2  Paris,  as  I  have  pointed  out,  rejects  de  Tressan’s  testi- 

1  Histoire  litteraire,  xxxi,  190-191. 

2  Bibliotkeque  des  Romans ,  April,  1777. 


240 


Jones , 


[Vol.  VI 


mony.  Chauvin,  on  the  other  hand,  accepts  it :  “  Malgre  les 
circonlocutions  6nigmatiques  dont  de  Tressan  aime  a  se  servir, 
comme  on  le  faisait  de  son  temps  par  horreur  pour  les  ren- 
seignements  precis,  il  faut  reconnaitre  dans  le  savant  qu’il  cite 
de  Paulmy,  dont  la  bibliotheque  est  devenue  celle  de  Y Arsenal. 
Peut-on  rejeter  ce  temoignage  si  precis  au  sujet  de  P  existence 
du  po£me  espagnol  ?  Nous  ne  le  pensons  pas,  car  de  Tressan 
n’avait  pas  Fhabitude  d’affirmer  ce  qui  n’est  pas  et  on  se 
demande,  d’ailleurs,  quel  int6r£t,  quel  motif  il  aurait  pu  avoir 
ici  pour  ne  pas  dire  la  v6rit6.  Et  qu’on  n’objecte  pas  les 
infid61it£s  dont  il  est  contumier  dans  ses  r6sum6s ;  en  cela,  il 
6tait  de  son  temps  et  de  son  pays,  ou,  sous  pr§texte  d’accomo- 
dation  au  goht  fran£ais,  on  se  faisait  un  vrai  devoir  de  mutiler 
les  oeuvres  litt£raires  anciennes  ou  etrangeres.” 

Assuming  that  a  lost  Spanish  poem  was  the  common  source 
of  the  Cleomadds  and  the  Meliaoin ,  Chauvin  indicates  that  this 
poem  must  have  included  the  judicial  combat  in  which  the 
hero  of  each  romance  engages  for  the  sake  of  certain  attendants 
of  the  heroine.  Since  this  episode  appears  in  none  of  the 
Arabian  versions,  it  is  clear  that  the  Spanish  poem  was  not  a 
translation  pure  and  simple  of  the  Arabian  tale  ;  it  was  already 
a  rifacimento.  Besides,  this  rifacimento, — still  following  Chau¬ 
vin, — presupposes  a  previous  translation  of  the  Arabian  story 
into  Spanish,  because  the  exact  reproduction  of  so  many  details 
points  to  a  written  source  rather  than  a  story  known  to  the 
poet  only  by  oral  tradition.  Chauvin  further  supposes,  as  we 
have  seen,  that  this  source  was  contained  in  a  Spanish  version 
of  the  Thousand  and  One  Nights.  He  calls  attention  to  the 
obvious  facts  that  communication  between  the  Mohammedan 
and  Christian  civilizations  was  largely  by  way  of  Spain  and 
that  an  extraordinary  amount  of  early  Spanish  literature  has 
undoubtedly  perished.1 

1  For  this  and  other  references  to  Chauvin’ s  discussion,  see  Wallonia, 
Janvier -Fevrier,  1898  ;  especially  pp.  18-19.  In  regard  to  Chauvin’ s  hypo¬ 
thetical  Arabian  Nights  in  Spanish,  see,  Ren6  Basset,  Revue  des  traditions 
populaires,  xm,  283-285  ;  consult  further  Revue  Bibliog.  beige ,  X,  287  ;  Asiatic 
Quarterly  Review ,  April,  1898  ;  Luzads  Oriental  Lists,  ix,  92. 


No.  2] 


The  Cleomadds,  the  3feliacin,  etc. 


241 


The  rather  good  case  for  the  lost  Spanish  poem  is  materially 
strengthened  by  further  evidence.  Among  Adenet’s  distin¬ 
guished  friends  were :  Queen  Marie,  by  whose  family  he  had 
been  notably  favored;  Blanche  of  France,  the  king’s  sister  and 
after  1275  widow  of  Ferdinand  of  Cerda,  infanta  of  Castile; 
Robert  II,  count  of  Artois  and  nephew  of  Philip  the  Bold,  and 
Mahaut,  Robert’s  daughter.  All  of  these  persons  are  associated 
with  Adenet’s  best  known  poem,  the  CUomadZs.  The  poet 
himself  tells  us  the  occasion  of  his  work  : — 

11  Je  m’esmay  forment  de  1’  emprise 
Comment  l’aie  bien  a  chief  mise  ; 

Mais  ci  me  fait  reconforter 
Que  me  daignierent  commander 
Que  je  ceste  estoire  entendisse 
Et  a  rimer  1’  entrepreisse 
Deux  dames  en  cui  maint  la  flour 
De  sens,  de  biaut6,  de  valour.  ’ '  1 

The  poet  will  not  reveal  the  names  of  the  ladies  for  fear  of 
displeasing  them : — 

“  Leur  nons  ne  vueil  en  apert  dire  ; 

Car  leur  pais  aim  et  dont  leur  ire, 

Si  que  bien  sai  que  je  morroie 
De  duel,  se  fait  ne  dit  avoie 
Eiens  fors  leur  plaisir  et  leur  grA 
Pour  ce  seront  leur  non  nomm6, 

Se  je  puis,  si  couvertement 
K’ entendre  ne  puissent  la  gent 
Les  noms  d’eles,  quand  les  liront, 

S’ on  ne  leur  monstre  oh  li  non  sont.”  2 

Later  in  the  form  of  an  acrostic  the  names  are  given :  La 
Roiine  de  France,  Marie,  and  Madame  Blanche.3 

One  more  passage : — 

“  Qui  de  ceste  estoire  vorra 
Avant  savoir,  il  convenra 
Que  il  la  matiere  tant  quiere 
Que  il  la  truist,  se  il  l’a  chiere  ; 

Car  les  dames  qui  m’en  conterent 


x17ff. 


2  25  ff. 


3 18531  ff. 


242 


[Vol.  VI 


Jones, 

Ce  qu’en  ai  dit,  n’en  deviserent 
Fors  tant  que  dit  vous  en  ai  ci. 

Dieu  de  lor  commant  moult  merci.”  1 

There  is  some  danger,  to  be  sure,  of  putting  too  fine  a  point 
upon  the  poet’s  words;  and  yet  this  testimony  gives  us  about 
as  strong  evidence  as  we  can  expect  to  find  for  the  position 
that  Adenet  first  heard  the  Cleomad&s  story  from  his  royal 
friends.  More  particularly  we  have  good  reason  to  suppose 
that  Blanche,  widow  of  the  Infanta  of  Castile,  whose  nine  years 
sojourn  at  the  Spanish  court  had  given  her  ample  opportunity 
to  learn  something  of  Spanish  literature,  communicated  to 
Adenet  the  tale  of  the  eheval  de  fust.  This  contention  is 
supported  by  the  evidence  of  a  miniature  which  heads  the  ms. 
in  the  Arsenal, — conjecturally  identified  by  van  Hasselt  with 
the  very  copy  presented  by  Adenet  to  Robert  II,  Count  of 
Artois.  The  miniature  represents  the  Queen  of  France,  reclin¬ 
ing  upon  a  couch  of  state,  her  left  hand  supporting  her  head, 
her  right  holding  a  flower.  Beside  her  are  two  ladies  seated 
upon  cushions  :  one  is  Blanche,  daughter  of  St.  Louis ;  the 
other  Mahaut,  daughter  of  Count  Robert  II.  These  identifica¬ 
tion  are  made  on  the  evidence  of  the  different  devices  upon 
the  dresses  of  the  ladies.  Blanche  is  pictured  with  her  hand 
raised  in  the  attitude  of  one  speaking,  and  the  queen  and 
Mahaut  are  apparently  giving  profound  attention  to  her  words. 
Adenet,  half-kneeling  before  the  couch  of  the  queen  and  to  be 
recognized  by  the  rebeck  upon  his  knee  and  the  minstrel’s 
crown  upon  his  head,  seems  to  follow  with  deep  interest  the 
story  of  Blanche.  Such  evidence  as  this  miniature  furnishes 
certainly  strengthens  the  antecedent  probability  that  Adenet 
received  from  the  widow  of  the  Infanta  of  Castile  the  story  of 
his  most  famous  poem. 

When  we  scrutinize  all  of  this  evidence,  we  can  easily 
believe  that  there  was  a  Spanish  version  of  the  eheval  de  fust 
story  in  one  form  or  another.  That  the  tale  is  Oriental  is 
beyond  question,  and  no  one  will  deny  that  a  great  body  of 


1 18519  ff. 


No.  2] 


The  Cleomades,  the  Meliacin,  etc. 


243 


Eastern,  especially  Arabic,  stories  found  their  way  into  Spain. 
To  suppose  that  our  poet  fashioned  a  folk-tale  into  a  very 
highly  finished  romance  would  be  to  invest  folk-lore  with  a 
dignity  that  it  in  all  probability  did  not  have  in  the  thirteenth 
century.  The  attitude  of  writers  of  romances  toward  the 
marchen  has  not,  I  think,  been  very  closely  defined ;  but  the 
assumption  that  a  poet,  such  as  Adenet,  would  have  used  such 
material  pure  and  simple  as  the  foundation  of  his  romance  is  at 
least  open  to  serious  doubt.  The  probabilities  clearly  point  to 
a  more  or  less  literary  form  with  which  Blanche  of  Castile  was 
acquainted.  Paris’  argumentum  ex  silentio  hardly  carries  con¬ 
viction.  If  we  endorse  what  seems  to  me  the  more  reasonable 
contention  of  Chauvin,  we  shall  suppose  that  there  was  a 
Spanish  literary  version  of  the  cheval  de  fust  story  which 
went  back — by  several  stages  perhaps — to  the  Arabian  tale. 
The  dangers,  however,  of  assuming  a  Spanish  Thousand  and 
One  Nights  are  considerable.  Whether,  too,  the  lost  Spanish 
version  was  in  prose  or  verse  is  not  easy  to  determine.  The 
comparative  scarcity  of  a  prose  vernacular  literature  in  the 
thirteenth  century  would  lead  us  to  suspect  that  it  was  a  poem. 
In  any  case,  there  is  considerable  support,  in  the  way  of 
external  and  internal  evidence,  for  de  Tressan’s  positive 
assertion  that  he  saw  a  Spanish  poem  on  the  subject  of  the 
CUomades. 

In  brief  my  conclusions  are  as  follows : — It  is  extremely 
probable  that  the  Cleomades  and  the  Meliacin  had  a  common 
source  and  that  this  source  was  a  lost  Spanish  poem  ;  the 
nearest  approach  to  this  Spanish  poem  is  furnished  by  the 
Habicht  version  of  the  Arabian  tale ;  next  in  importance  to  the 
Habicht  version  is  the  Bulak;  third  and  last  is  the  Galland 
version,  which  the  quoted  entries  in  Galland’s  diary  prove  to 
have  been  current  as  a  folk-tale.  In  a  subsequent  paper  I 
purpose  to  discuss,  in  general,  the  folk-tale  analogues  of  the 
Cleomades. 

H.  S.  Y.  Jones. 

University  of  Illinois. 

5 


244 


.  Fay, 


[Vol.  VI 


1 


GOTHIC  AND  ENGLISH  ETYMOLOGIES. 

(1)  Gothic  Stilan  in  Latin. 

A  DIRECT  comparison  of  the  Germanic  group  of  which 
Goth,  stilan  may  be  taken  as  the  representative  with 
arep-Lcncei  ‘  robs  ’  is  phonetically  invalid  (see,  e.  g.,  Uhlenbeck 
got.  Woert.,  s.  v.),  though  it  may  be  ultimately  true  that  the 
root  stel-  is  not  alien  to  the  root  ster-.  Stokes  (in  Fick’s 
Woert.  II,  p.  314)  gives  what  I  regard  as  correct  non-Germanic 
etymons  in  O.  Ir.  slat  ‘  robbery 9  (from  *stlatto-)  and  Lat.  stl-ata 
‘  piratical  ship/  The  Latin  glossaries  amply  attest  this  defini¬ 
tion  and  it  should  pass  without  question,  unless  stlata  be 
proved  a  borrowed  word.  I  would  see  a  further  indubitable 
cognate  in  tollit  ‘  lifts  ’  (cf.  the  gloss  tollit  ‘  aufert,  adimit/  and 
Eng.  lifts  ‘  steals  ’)  ;  stl-ata  (with  suffix  like  pirata  f)  belongs 
with  tollit,  both  from  a  root  with  “  movable  ”  s-,  s)tel-/s)tol-. 
The  gloss  stlattarius  ‘  portator  armorum/  if  correctly  trans¬ 
mitted,  attests  the  sense  of  tollit  generalized  as  in  tulit  ‘  portavit/ 
Further  cognates  I  would  find  in  Lat.  mu(s)-stela  ‘  weasel ? 
(‘  mouse-thief  *),  stelio  ( stellio )  ^  rogue ’ 1  and,  in  juridical  Latin — 
of  uncertain  age  but  probably  archaic — stelionatus  (suffix  as  in 
peculatus  f),  glossed  by  ‘  crimen,  quando  una  res  duobus  vendi- 
tur,  quomodo  huius  raptus  huius  speculatus  ’  (?  read  peculatus), 
and  further  by  briQecris  (Gmposture  ?)  rj  x^evy  (‘jest’),  and 
KaKovpyCa. 

The  word  stelio  i  rogue ?  is  attested  by  Pliny,  N.  H.,  30,  89, 

1  [Walde  in  his  etymological  Latin  lexicon  has  also  correlated  stelio  and 
Gothic  stilan ,  but  as  the  above  essay  was  in  the  hands  of  Professor  Karsten 
fully  two  years  ago,  I  think  it  right  to  let  my  paragraph  stand  unchanged. 
Proofnote,  Jan.  10,  1907.] 


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